Chils Kemptonian - The Geographic Accountant

Chils Kemptonian - The Geographic Accountant The Geographic Accountant; Lover Of "Accounting" & "Geography"

25/02/2026

I have noticed that there are 3 types of "Delimitation Advocates" in Zambia:

1. The most densely populated places should be split (i.e. "Lusaka District should get the most constituencies")

2. The biggest pieces of land should be split (i.e. "North-Western Province should get the most constituencies")

3. Treating everybody equal regardless of population or land area (i.e. "Just give 7 constituencies to each of Zambia's ten provinces")

Tell me, which one are you? And why do you think that your reasoning is the correct one?
😂👀😂

With Wilson Kango – I just got recognised as one of their top fans! 🎉
12/02/2026

With Wilson Kango – I just got recognised as one of their top fans! 🎉

In Zambia, political parties have teamed up to form "alliances". The purpose of these alliances is for the parties to fi...
01/02/2026

In Zambia, political parties have teamed up to form "alliances". The purpose of these alliances is for the parties to find common ground and work together for society, with a belief that the fans of each and every political party can unite and "vote for the same candidate", thereby reducing the belief that we need a lot of candidates in order to constitute an election.

As of now (January 2026), these are the alliances which are known to exist in Zambia:

1. Tonse Alliance:
Patriotic Front (PF); Forum for Democracy and Development (FDD); Zambia Must Prosper (ZMP); ALL People's Congress (APC); Zambia Republican Party (ZRP); New Era Democratic Party (NEDP); Christian Democratic Party (CDP); Freedom Fighters Front (FFF)

2. People's Pact:
Socialist Party (SP); Green Party (GP); Movement for Change and Equity (MCE)

3. We are One Zambia Alliance (WOZA):
People's Alliance for Change (PAC); New Heritage Party (NHP); United Liberal Party (ULP); The Zambia We Want (ZWW)

4. United Kwacha Alliance (UKA):
National Democratic Congress (NDC); Revamp for Development Change (RDC)

These are the 4 alliances that "currently exist" in Zambia. As we can see, I have mentioned 8 parties under "Tonse Alliance", 3 parties under "People's Pact", 4 parties under "We are One Zambia Alliance" and 2 parties under "United Kwacha Alliance". This means 17 political parties in Zambia are "known" to be in an alliance.

Take note that I am specifically talking about "Opposition Alliances", which is why I have deliberately left out the "UPND Alliance".

Now, I have heard some citizens of Zambia talking about "Opposition Unity" and "Opposition Disunity" during the last two months and it has made me wonder. We all saw "an opposition party" that is part of Tonse Alliance win the by-election in Chawama while the same party finished second in Kasama. If "the opposition" won in one place but came out second in another, is there anything to take note of here in preparation for a national election in August?

At the beginning, I mentioned that parties in alliances must "find common ground". If they can't speak the same language, why should they be in an alliance? Also, what formula do we use to decide who exactly should lead an alliance?

We have alliances like the United Kwacha Alliance and the We are One Zambia Alliance which have made it clear that their intention is not to make one leader stand out. Until the time comes for picking a leader to be necessary, everybody is "equal". And then you have alliances like Tonse Alliance, where the PF can easily tell other parties "without us, you are nothing". Is this true or have I gotten the wrong message from Zambians?

So now that the term "Opposition Unity" has become famous, how exactly is it to be achieved? How do different people describe the term "Opposition Unity"? Would it be suitable for the People's Pact and for the We are One Zambia Alliance to both be dismantled so that ALL their "member political parties" join Tonse Alliance with a belief that all their fans will follow them? Or maybe it should be Tonse Alliance that should cease so that all its members join the People's Pact?

This is early 2026 and we are running out of time to get some of these questions answered. Let's hope I did not forget to mention any political party under the "4 alliances" above.

I'm sure some of us remember that from the year 2017 or 2018 (somewhere there), we had an alliance called the "Opposition Alliance". It was initially introduced with 10 parties; some joined and some left as time passed. When we entered January 2021, they made it clear that "only one party" from their entire membership will contest elections and after a few days, they unveiled that one party as the United Party for National Development (UPND). Their alliance was renamed from "Opposition Alliance" to "UPND Alliance". Fortunately for them, the party they chose to represent them won in August 2021, forming government.

Looking at the way the UPND Alliance came about, how are other alliances doing in trying to get their voices heard? Should there be only one opposition alliance or are we okay with having 4? Also, do we have the rights to start saying bad things about parties that "are not in any alliance" just because they are unwilling to join any or should we leave them alone and respect their wishes?

Let me know what you think about what I have written here.

07/12/2025

In almost every past "Constitutional Amendment" that Zambia has undertaken since its independence proclamation of 1964, one thing that has been occurring is the "creation of constituencies". We started with 75 constituencies in 1964, followed by 105 constituencies in 1967, followed by 125 constituencies in 1973, followed by 150 constituencies in 1990, followed by 156 constituencies in 2016.

Now, citizens cannot seem to agree on what exactly determines whether a constituency should be created (by subdividing existing ones) or not. One person will say that "the population of the region" is the determinant while another will say that "the land size of the region" is the determinant. Who is correct here?

Now, let us remember one thing: Zambia has 10 provinces, which are divided into 116 districts, which are divided into 156 constituencies, which are divided into 1858 wards.

So, we can see here that "districts contain one or more constituencies" AND "two districts are not allowed to share a single constituency" (there are no cross-border constituencies). Now, what exactly determines how many constituencies a district should be subdivided into? Is it the population of the area? Is it the way the city is arranged? Is it a little bit of both?

Let us look at "Lusaka District" for a moment. According to the 2022 Census Report, the district is 418 square kilometres in size, has a population of 2.2 million (rounded off) and has 7 constituencies (Kanyama; Matero; Mandevu; Munali; Kabwata; Chawama; Lusaka Central).
Now, let us look at Chama District, which is 17,472 square kilometres, has a population of 140,326 and has 2 constituencies (Chama North; Chama South).

Some people may advocate that because Lusaka District has such a huge population, it needs more constituencies. In this case, should the land size be disregarded? How many residential and industrial neighbourhoods should be per constituency? Also, some people may advocate that because Chama District has a lot of land, it needs more constituencies. In this case, should population be disregarded? Roughly how many people should a single member of parliament represent?

Here in Zambia, this is one topic where "we cannot seem to agree". There are also people who are "both sides of the conversation" here. What do you believe we should be looking at when subdividing land based on political geography (jurisdictions)?

On this day (18 September) in 1961, the United Nations lost a Secretary General by the name of Dag Hammarskjöld. The pla...
18/09/2025

On this day (18 September) in 1961, the United Nations lost a Secretary General by the name of Dag Hammarskjöld. The plane he was in crashed approximately 10 kilometres west of the city centre of Ndola in what is currently the Copperbelt Province of Zambia.

At the time, he came to Central Africa to try and sort out the "Congo Crisis". The place where he passed away is now known as the "Dag Hammarskjöld Crash Site Memorial", a national monument in Zambia.

"In 1964 (the year Northern Rhodesia became Zambia), the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation Committee was formed to ensure that the memory of this world statesman lives forever in the country where he met his tragedy. At the Crash site a memorial garden was established with a cairn at the centre and a lawn around it with a belt of shrubs and trees on the outer circle. A museum was constructed and official opened at the site in 1981. The museum exhibits some remains of the tragic accident. The museum is also used for collecting materials and books on the life of Dag Hammarskjöld and the role of the United Nations." - the memorial's Wikipedia page

The area surrounding the memorial has since become a neighbourhood of Ndola District named "Dag Hammarskjöld", where residents who want to be distant from the Ndola City Centre live. Even in the local government, there is a large ward named "Dag Hammarskjöld Ward" under Ndola Central Constituency, which includes this neighbourhood.

This neighbourhood has developed significantly over the years. the neighbourhood currently contains the Ndola Girls Technical High School. Also, Zambia decided that it needed to relocate the Ndola Airport (Simon Mwansa Kapwepwe International) from Itawa to a different location in the late 2010s and this site next to the memorial was picked. The Airport was built by AVIC INTL, commissioned by Edgar Chagwa Lungu on 5 August 2021 and officially started operating on 7 October 2021. So, this airport joins the memorial as a "tourist attraction" for this part of Ndola District.

Let's not forget that here in Ndola, Dag Hammarskjöld once had a stadium named after him but it was demolished for some reason. Also, one of the main roads connecting the Ndola city centre with the southern neighbourhoods (bypassing the old airport) is named "Dag Hammarskjöld Drive", after this man.

64 years after his passing, we take a moment to remember this Secretary General. There are many places with buildings named in memory of him and here,I have listed the ones in Ndola District of Copperbelt Province, Zambia, together with highlighting a few of the developments in the neighbourhood and ward that are named after him.

Cheers.

29/04/2025

Let me tell you a story (with a question at the end). This is "based on a true story":

The government of Zambia decided in 2017 that they wanted the entire route from "North End" (Kabwe Roundabout) in Lusaka up to the "Ndola Central Hospital" roundabout to become a "dual carriageway". The route is 320 kilometres using existing roads and includes part of the T2 (Great North Road) and part of the T3. They decided that Kabwe and Kapiri Mposhi should both have bypasses built to the west. They also wanted to fix a road in the Copperbelt Province known as the M6 road, amounting to 41 kilometres, from the Masangano Junction near Kafulafuta to Fisenge and from Fisenge to the Luanshya town centre.

On 08 September 2017, the "President of Zambia" at the time did an "introductory commissioning" of the project (ground-breaking). He said that the entire project will cost $1.2 billion and that a company named China Jiangxi (CJIC) would do the works. When the project started, it was clear that the works were happening from Lusaka going northwards towards Ndola.

In June 2021, one of the newspaper companies in Zambia published that the Ministry of Finance had instructed the Road Development Agency to halt the project, as the country officially had "financial constraints". By this time, only the section within Lusaka District was a dual carriageway, that is from "North End" (Kabwe Roundabout) to "Six Miles Roundabout". Just to translate, "6 miles" is "10 kilometres". So, only 10 kilometres out of the 320 kilometres had been complete 4 years less 3 months after the "President of Zambia" launched the project.

In August 2021, the nation of Zambia went into elections at ward, constituency, district and presidential levels. A new "President of Zambia" was elected. After he had appointed his initial cabinet, they concluded that "the project was overpriced" and as such, they quickly cancelled the deal that was made in 2017 with China Jiangxi (CJIC). After doing this, the "Minister of Finance" and the "Minister of Infrastructure, Housing & Urban Development" promised their citizens that they will continue the project soon but at a reduced cost. They admitted that indeed, the country had "financial constraints".

During the year 2022, it was revealed that the project will be done using a "Public-Private Partnership" (PPP) and that other road projects in the nation would follow suit.

On 28 February 2023 in Ndola, a new "commissioning" was done for the project and it was announced that the company that will continue this project is named "Macro-Ocean Investment Consortium" (MOIC), which consists of various companies, at a cost of $577 million. The government stated that it will not put a penny from its treasury towards this project, instructing the contracting company to find all the money needed itself. So, the company was going to "borrow" money from other sources to fund this project. The amount needed was soon adjusted to $650 million.

The company was told that they have "3 years" from that date to complete the entire project of rehabilitating the M6 road (41 km) and making the Lusaka-Ndola road into a dual carriageway (320 km). Afterwards, the method that would be used to pay the company back would be letting them keep any money received from the existing and yet-to-exist toll gates on both the 320 km and 41 km roads up to the year 2048. This would mean that the National Road Fund Agency would not be the one receiving money from these particular toll gates. They would have to wait for the year 2048 before these two roads and the toll gates on them become "their responsibility" again. Macro-Ocean Investment Consortium took over all responsibility to maintain the road. The government would merely be a "shareholder", receiving "dividends" and "taxes" from the amounts MOIC would receive.

From the $650 million, MOIC agreed to borrow $300 million from the national pension scheme authority, while borrowing $50 million from the worker's compensation fund control board and getting the rest of the money from an unstated source.

The 320 km section had 3 toll gates at the time (Lusaka - Chibombo; Kabwe - Kapiri Mposhi; Kapiri Mposhi - Ndola) and as part of the agreement, a fourth toll gate was going to be built (Chibombo - Kabwe). Also, a toll gate would be built on the 41 km section (Masangano - Fisenge). Overall, Macro-Ocean Investment Consortium would be receiving money from "5 toll gates" up to "28 February 2048" when they are scheduled to hand over both roads back to the nation's Road Development Agency. The amount of traffic would determine the amount the toll booths receive.

Macro-Ocean Investment Consortium was doing their work diligently, convincing citizens that the 320 km dual carriageway will be complete by the deadline during the year 2026. Also, in early 2025, they had completed their work on the 41 km road (Masangano - Fisenge - Luanshya) and opened the new toll gate. Travellers were impressed that the 320 km road was actually being converted into a dual carriageway at a much-faster pace than it was during the previous presidency, although the fact that a new toll gate would soon exist between Chibombo and Kabwe was not something for travellers to be happy about.

At some point during the year 2026, the 320 km section will entirely be a dual carriageway with 4 toll gates and the towns of Kabwe and Kapiri Mposhi will have bypasses to the west, meaning that non-stop traffic will not have to pass through the town centres. Citizens will judge at the end of it all if they are happy with the way the project was done.

The end.

Now, let me ask a few questions:

1. It is stated that when it hit 4 years after the first president commissioned the Lusaka-Ndola Dual Carriageway construction project, only 10 km out of a total of 320 km had been made into a dual carriageway. Would you regard it as a disappointment from the government and the construction company they appointed? What do you think could have led to the problem of financial constraints? Was a project launched without the money being present?

2. The company that was chosen to continue the project in February 2023 settled for an amount of $577 million, before adjusting it to $650 million. What possible reasons could be there for the amount to have been split by almost half from the initial $1.2 billion regardless of where exactly the money is meant to come from?

3. As per Public-Private Partnership procedure in Zambia, the government decided that it will not put a penny towards the project. As such, the company resorted to going to various "lenders" and those lenders turned out to be state-owned enterprises. Do you recommend for these state-owned enterprises to be "lenders" like this or should have they "invested" their offerings in this project in a different manner?

4. As per Public-Private Partnership procedure in Zambia, the private company would take ownership of the toll gates, both already-existing and about-to-be-built, on the applicable roads up to the year 2048. Any money that will be received from the toll gates will go to the private company, with the government only claiming "taxes" and "dividends" that they are supposedly entitled to. The company would also have to do maintenance works on the road. By the time we reach 2048, after the private company has paid back all its borrowed money with interest to the lenders and all its statutory requirements to the government treasury, do you expect the private company to be left with a small or large profit from the toll gates?

5. Seeing as the country claimed to have "financial constraints" at some point in the year 2021, do you believe that this method of creating the dual carriageway using a "Public-Private Partnership" was a necessary step to take? Do you think it was right for the government to choose a method in which all the financing needed for the project would have to come from the private company alone?

6. Overall, what do you believe are the "rights" and "wrongs" in the approaches that were taken by each government towards building the dual carriageway (320 km) and rehabilitating the M6 road (41 km)?

Thanks for reading.

I see some Zambians are excited about the prospects of the "Lobito Corridor" project. Let's guess exactly how Zambia is ...
09/04/2025

I see some Zambians are excited about the prospects of the "Lobito Corridor" project. Let's guess exactly how Zambia is supposed to be involved in the whole thing.

As per the plans for the "Cape to Cairo Railway" in the early colonial days (1900-1910), Zambia has a north-south railway passing right through the centre of the country from Victoria Falls through Livingstone, Choma, Mazabuka, Lusaka, Kabwe and Kapiri Mposhi to Ndola. Let us call it the "Zambia Railway".

At Ndola, the Zambia Railway now branches off into two directions. The first is a railway north-west to Kitwe, Chingola and Chililabombwe, with connections to Mufulira (passenger rail is only up to Kitwe). The other is a railway immediately crossing into DR Congo at the Minsundu border in Ndola to enter the Sakania district.

The railway that enters DR Congo at Sakania proceeds north-west to Lubumbashi, then Tenke, then west to Kolwezi, then Dilolo (Angola Border), then to the Benguela/Lobito coastal area in Angola. Let's call this one the "Benguela Railway".

So, as it stands, the only existing "rail connection" between Zambia and its neighbour to the west (Angola) is this railway that has to pass through DR Congo first.

Now, they want to build another railway to Angola from Ndola. This railway that exists from Ndola through Kitwe to Chingola will be extended westwards and will proceed through Solwezi and Mwinilunga to reach the Border with Angola at Jimbe. It will then proceed from there through Caianda to join the existing railway at Luacano.

This will be the "second" rail link between Zambia and Angola after the original Benguela Railway. Zambia will now have two ways of getting its "Copperbelt produce" to the west coast, one through DR Congo and one through Zambia's North-Western Province.

In the picture here, we can see that the existing "Benguela Railway" as the red line surrounded by yellow from Sakania to Lobito. This is the railway that is meant to constitute the "Lobito Corridor", although the majority of activity will happen from Tenke going west as per reports.

We can also see the "proposed railway" appearing as cut red lines from Chingola through Jimbe to Luacano. This is also meant to be part of the Lobito Corridor.

So, the "Copperbelt Region" of Zambia and DR Congo will benefit greatly from sending its produce to the "closest port", which is the Benguela/Lobito coastal area.

How do people of the North-Western Province in Zambia feel knowing that a railway may soon pass through their province? Let's hope that this increased trade with the west will benefit our country greatly.

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