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 David Eby recently made a campaign promise to control prices at the grocery store.Price controls do not work. If you be...
10/10/2026



David Eby recently made a campaign promise to control prices at the grocery store.

Price controls do not work. If you believed that the only root cause of higher grocery prices was greed on the part of retailers, that may be emotionally or politically convenient but economically incorrect.

But we need to peel back a few layers just to see how misguided such a policy would be.

Have grocery prices increased? Yes.
Is Eby identifying the affordability problems in BC? Yes.
Has he misdiagnosed the cause and now is proposing a mechanism with historically unsatisfactory results which grants him more political power over the economy? Also, yes.

𝟭- 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗲𝘃𝗶𝗱𝗲𝗻𝗰𝗲 𝗱𝗼𝗲𝘀 𝗻𝗼𝘁 𝘀𝘂𝗽𝗽𝗼𝗿𝘁 𝗘𝗯𝘆’𝘀 𝗰𝗹𝗮𝗶𝗺

The election announcement says corporate retailers are “using inflation as a cover to jack up prices on essential goods.” It points to soaring grocery-company profits and rising billionaire wealth as evidence.

And while it’s true that profits did increase and billionaires did benefit, rising prices and rising absolute profits do not establish that expanding retailer margins caused the inflation. In fact, Competition Bureau Canada makes the case in their June 2023 𝘙𝘦𝘵𝘢𝘪𝘭 𝘎𝘳𝘰𝘤𝘦𝘳𝘺 𝘔𝘢𝘳𝘬𝘦𝘵 𝘚𝘵𝘶𝘥𝘺 𝘙𝘦𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘵 that retailers can earn more dollars without increasing their margin at all. If the wholesale cost of a product rises and the retailer maintains the same percentage margin, both the shelf price and the number of profit dollars rise automatically. In fact, the report correctly pointed out that the market would benefit from increased competition as a solution, not price controls.

Further, the Bank of Canada found in their October 2023 report 𝘜𝘯𝘥𝘦𝘳𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘶𝘯𝘶𝘴𝘶𝘢𝘭: 𝘏𝘰𝘸 𝘧𝘪𝘳𝘮𝘴 𝘴𝘦𝘵 𝘱𝘳𝘪𝘤𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘶𝘳𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘱𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘰𝘥𝘴 𝘰𝘧 𝘩𝘪𝘨𝘩 𝘪𝘯𝘧𝘭𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘰𝘯, retail food prices moved roughly in lockstep with costs during the inflationary period and that markups across most Canadian industries had remained roughly stable since early 2022.

And as recently as September 2026, the Competition Bureau published another report (Assessing progress on the Competition Bureau’s retail grocery recommendations) that identified higher import costs, supply-chain disruptions, a weaker Canadian dollar and extreme weather among the major pressures on grocery prices.

𝟮- 𝗘𝗰𝗼𝗻𝗼𝗺𝗶𝗰𝗮𝗹𝗹𝘆, 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗱𝗶𝗮𝗴𝗻𝗼𝘀𝗶𝘀 𝗶𝘀 𝗯𝗮𝗰𝗸𝘄𝗮𝗿𝗱𝘀.

Prices are information. They are not the underlying disease.

Prices coordinate information about scarcity, demand, and costs of providing goods to the market. Suppressing or controlling the price mechanism does not make those underlying costs or demands disappear.

The classic example illustrated by Ludwig von Mises is appropriately the price of milk, to explain that when governments interfere in the price of a good, that intervention creates distortions that invite 𝘧𝘶𝘳𝘵𝘩𝘦𝘳 interventions, progressively replacing market coordination with administrative control:

Government decides milk is too expensive, especially for poor families, so it imposes a maximum price below the market price.
That produces two effects:
- consumers want to buy more milk because it is cheaper;
- marginal producers can no longer cover their costs, (because input costs such as feed, energy, and transportation costs are not controlled) so they produce less milk, and divert production into butter, cheese or meat, or sell cows.

The result is a shortage: demand rises while supply falls. Consumers who could previously buy expensive milk now may not be able to buy milk at all.

Governments then continue to increase their control over more parts of the economy to attempt to control the prices of input costs up the supply chain.

To suggest that businesses only discovered greed recently is to misunderstand human nature. All human beings have self-interest. This drives them to act in a manner that becomes self-serving. This does not suddenly evaporate because of the role one has in a larger society (such as being a politician).

Ironically, the price controls Eby is suggesting sit downstream from Canada’s existing supply-management architecture. B.C.’s own Farm Industry Review Board explains that supply management uses production quotas, price setting and import controls, administered jointly by provincial and federal institutions. So the promise is simply MORE administrative policy downstream from the already controlled policies at the top of the supply chain.

𝟯- 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗲𝘃𝗶𝗱𝗲𝗻𝗰𝗲 𝗼𝗳 𝗽𝗿𝗶𝗰𝗲 𝗰𝗮𝗽𝘀 𝗶𝗻 𝗵𝗶𝘀𝘁𝗼𝗿𝘆 𝗶𝘀 𝗻𝗼𝘁 𝘃𝗲𝗿𝘆 𝗳𝗼𝗿𝗴𝗶𝘃𝗶𝗻𝗴

If government compresses the permitted return on particular products while costs continue moving, retailers have other margins on which they can act: reduce promotions, alter product mix, devote less shelf space to capped items, shift margins toward uncapped substitutes, change package offerings, or find other ways to recover overhead.

During the Nixon controls of 1971 to 1974, price and margin controls temporarily suppressed measured price increases, but Federal Reserve history records that they exacerbated shortages, particularly in food and energy. A Federal Reserve report from 1973 specifically noted that meat-price controls, combined with rising feed costs, contributed to reduced supplies of livestock, poultry, eggs and milk.

Hungary capped the prices of selected staple foods beginning in 2022. The International Monetary Fund concluded that the caps were ineffective in controlling food inflation because distributors and retailers increased prices elsewhere to preserve margins; food inflation continued rising. The food caps were eventually removed in August 2023.

Going further back in time, in AD 301, Roman Emperor Diocletian issued the Edict on Maximum Prices amid severe inflation and monetary disorder. It established maximum prices and wages across a vast range of the economy, violations of which could carry the death penalty.

The edict’s preamble attributed soaring prices substantially to avarice, greed and profiteering. Yet the Roman economy had experienced decades of fiscal stress, monetary expansion and currency debasement. Modern scholars generally regard the measures as having limited success, with enforcement breaking down relatively quickly. Sounds a lot like the same reasoning proposed by politicians today.

𝟰- 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗔𝗰𝗰𝗼𝘂𝗻𝘁𝗮𝗯𝗶𝗹𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗔𝗿𝗴𝘂𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁

I am always fascinated by the psychology of people swayed by incumbent politicians making grand gestures of benevolence…when they are already in power.

The BC NDP are not outsiders. The most recent iteration of NDP power in the province started in July of 2017 under then-leader John Horgan. David Eby entered Cabinet under that initial caucus under Horgan, and eventually became premier in 2022.

If grocery concentration, restrictive property agreements, regulated agricultural markets and affordability have been structural problems for years, why is a government that has held power since 2017 proposing retail margin controls as an election policy in late 2026?

In the 2024 provincial campaign, Eby promised a first-year rebate of up to $1,000 per household, transitioning into an income-tax cut, specifically framing it as relief from costs such as groceries. That first-year measure did not appear in Budget 2025 after the government changed course amid tariff and fiscal uncertainty.

—————————————————————————

We don’t need more government control over the market.

If it’s true that the current grocery magnates are greedy, then need policies that allow for greater competition should be promoted.

If our money buys less of the things we need, we need Federal monetary policies that don’t inflate the supply of our currency to debase our money.

If input costs are spiralling out of control, we need policies that reduce regulation, controls and compliance.

And the voters need to realize that the job of a politician is to sell you on their altruism, care and benevolence, and that their policies will not deliver what they promised and carry unintended and negative consequences.

10/08/2026

On September 22, 2026, British Columbia entered a provincial election campaign two years ahead of schedule. It’s David E...
10/07/2026

On September 22, 2026, British Columbia entered a provincial election campaign two years ahead of schedule. It’s David Eby’s gambit.

Within days came promises of “immediate relief”: a temporary 10-cent-per-litre reduction in B.C.’s gasoline tax, accompanied by a proposed fuel “Price Guard.” One day later came another proposal—a grocery “Price Guard” that would impose ceilings on retail margins for certain essential foods.

But this video isn’t really about one tax, one grocery policy, or even one politician.

It is about political incentives and political power.
Why do governments offer relief from costs they already influence?

On September 22, 2026, British Columbia entered a provincial electi...

You can raise the tax rate, but you can’t force the tax base to stay put.David Eby’s campaign promise of raising taxes o...
10/06/2026

You can raise the tax rate, but you can’t force the tax base to stay put.

David Eby’s campaign promise of raising taxes on the wealthy (which starts at the base affordability income of living in Vancouver btw)
would push the combined federal/provincial top marginal rate on income to 57.5%. Based on current provincial rates, that would be the highest in Canada. Someone subject to that top rate of tax would keep only 42.5 cents of the next dollar of ordinary income earned.

But here is the relevant part for … people are not merely pawns in the economy that can be managed. People act and respond to incentives. They have self-interest and make their own financial decisions in response to stimulus. They tend to avoid jurisdictions that treat capital unfairly or punitively.

This is all related to praxeology - the study of human action. And it’s also related to , which emphasizes individual choice, sound money, subjective value, and how market prices coordinate decentralized knowledge better than central planning can ever hope to do.

Compare this proposed tax increase with which has a top marginal personal tax rate of 48%. The proposed rate would therefore create a 9.5-percentage-point marginal-rate gap at the top. That disparity creates a meaningful incentive for mobility.

But people that are targeted by tax increases bring value to their communities. Doctors, entrepreneurs, executives and investors decide where to work, live, invest, and provide jobs. They are mobile and choose to go where they can prosper.

According to a 2024 Bank of Canada staff working paper on the Canada–U.S. productivity gap, at least 40% of Canadians whose earning ability would place them in Canada’s top 1% reside outside Canada.

If the state increases the tax rate, you cannot simply multiply the higher rate by the old tax base and assume behaviour will remain unchanged, or that your revenue will increase accordingly. That ignores the which illustrates that beyond some point, higher tax rates can produce less rather than more tax revenue as behaviour changes.

The research supports the theory that high-income earners tend to have more ability to respond to marginal tax rates. Statistics Canada reported that Alberta was Canada’s largest net recipient of interprovincial migrants for 14 consecutive quarters through the end of 2025. That doesn’t prove lower taxes alone caused those moves, but it demonstrates something policymakers should not ignore: people do move.

At some point, the BC NDP needs to stop asking how many feathers they can pluck from the goose and start asking how to make BC the most attractive place where successful people want to become more successful (and not just casino/real estate money laundering).

Because if enough people respond by taking their families and money elsewhere, the gap remaining is a stagnant economy, increased government deficits, and malaise.

𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝘀𝘁𝗿𝘂𝗴𝗴𝗹𝗲 𝗶𝘀 𝗿𝗲𝗮𝗹…𝘄𝗵𝗼 𝗰𝗮𝗻 𝗿𝗲𝗹𝗮𝘁𝗲?As any   can tell you, half the day is spent trying to get through to people on the ...
10/05/2026

𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝘀𝘁𝗿𝘂𝗴𝗴𝗹𝗲 𝗶𝘀 𝗿𝗲𝗮𝗹…𝘄𝗵𝗼 𝗰𝗮𝗻 𝗿𝗲𝗹𝗮𝘁𝗲?

As any can tell you, half the day is spent trying to get through to people on the phone to fix issues. For me, today is no exception that being on hold is part of our job description.

Manulife Bank
27 mins. Issue resolved

Canada Revenue Agency
33 mins. Issue not resolved

ICBC
38 mins. Issue partially resolved

There goes an hour and a half I’ll never get back.

𝗢𝗻𝗰𝗲 𝗽𝗲𝗼𝗽𝗹𝗲 𝗿𝗲𝗮𝗹𝗶𝘇𝗲 𝘁𝗵𝗲𝘆 𝗰𝗮𝗻 𝘃𝗼𝘁𝗲 𝘁𝗵𝗲𝗺𝘀𝗲𝗹𝘃𝗲𝘀 𝗮 𝘀𝗵𝗮𝗿𝗲 𝗼𝗳 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗽𝘂𝗯𝗹𝗶𝗰 𝘁𝗿𝗲𝗮𝘀𝘂𝗿𝘆, 𝗮𝗹𝗹 𝗱𝗲𝗺𝗼𝗰𝗿𝗮𝗰𝘆 𝗶𝘀 𝗹𝗼𝘀𝘁.Election promises are...
10/03/2026

𝗢𝗻𝗰𝗲 𝗽𝗲𝗼𝗽𝗹𝗲 𝗿𝗲𝗮𝗹𝗶𝘇𝗲 𝘁𝗵𝗲𝘆 𝗰𝗮𝗻 𝘃𝗼𝘁𝗲 𝘁𝗵𝗲𝗺𝘀𝗲𝗹𝘃𝗲𝘀 𝗮 𝘀𝗵𝗮𝗿𝗲 𝗼𝗳 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗽𝘂𝗯𝗹𝗶𝗰 𝘁𝗿𝗲𝗮𝘀𝘂𝗿𝘆, 𝗮𝗹𝗹 𝗱𝗲𝗺𝗼𝗰𝗿𝗮𝗰𝘆 𝗶𝘀 𝗹𝗼𝘀𝘁.

Election promises are just bribes that have no legislated binding requirements.

Just a few days ago, David Eby went to Surrey to promise to temporarily cut a 10 cent provincial tax on gas and diesel if elected on October 24.

B.C.’s Financial Administration Act allows the Lieutenant Governor in Council to authorize a partial or total remission of a tax where the statutory conditions are met. The current Motor Fuel Tax Act also imposes the provincial gasoline levy and provides regulatory authority over parts of the fuel-tax structure.

According toEnvironment and Natural Resources in Canada, provincial gas tax in BC ranges from 14.5-27 cents on gas and 15-27.5 cents on diesel. There is also a federal 10 cent tax on gas and 4 cents on diesel that is currently temporarily suspended.
https://natural-resources.canada.ca/domestic-international-markets/fuel-consumption-levies-canada?

However, the provincial revenue component of the tax in Vancouver is very little in comparison to the 18.5 cents collected for TransLink plus another 6.75 cents for BC Transportation Financing Authority. In fact, provincial tax reduction of 10 cents/L is greater than the 1.75 cent tax being currently levied.

This means that other revenue going to TransLink would have to be subsidized by additional government spending.

So how would this government that is already facing a $13.8 Billion deficit finance this gap if the tax reduction is implemented? Either lower state spending, additional borrowing, or alternative revenue such as higher taxes.

Despite the rhetoric to suggest the opposite, there is no such thing as “free” in respect of government spending. “Free healthcare” or “free education” is merely a line item in a government financial statement, funded by taxes collected by Canada Revenue Agency.

If Eby is justifying this promise under the premise that high fuel costs are hurting families and businesses, so reducing the tax will provide “immediate relief,” then it is true that this problem did not suddenly materialize after the election was called on September 22. The Liberal Party of Canada | Parti libéral du Canada suspended its gas excise tax of 10 cents, citing the Strait of Hormuz conflict putting pressure at the pump.

According to a press release just 8 days prior to the election announcement, Eby’s own provincial government reported that B.C. inflation had reached 2.9% in July, “largely due to elevated gasoline prices” and Middle East supply disruptions.
https://archive.news.gov.bc.ca/releases/news_releases_2024-2028/2026FIN0031-001066.htm?

What changed between the report of September 14 and October 1?

Once Eby called the election on September 22, B.C. entered its caretaker/interregnum period. Provincial guidance specifically says governments normally avoid major new policy initiatives during this period, even though Cabinet ministers remain legally capable of making decisions, and the B.C.’s Financial Administration Act allows the Lieutenant Governor in Council to act as well.

But perhaps the 𝘮𝘰𝘴𝘵 𝘪𝘮𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘵 part of this whole sham that people don’t seem to recognize is that if a 10 cent reduction in gas tax is a benefit to people struggling to make ends meet, why stop at 10 cents?

David Eby’s political advisors understand the appeal for people to keep their own money, in the understand that a direct benefit to consumers in order to buy their vote is a marginal benefit, compared to the potential reduction in tax revenue. If the BC NDP actually make good on this promise (they abandoned prior election promises such as the $1000 grocery benefit, etc).

If taxpayers are better served by keeping that money rather than having government collect it, what objective principle determines where that reasoning stops? Why 10¢ rather than 5¢, 14.5¢, 20¢, or the entire tax? This is actually a very similar argument to people who don’t understand economics on the minimum wage debate. If you were fighting for $15 an hour, why not make it $100? It’s an economically ignorant position to say that a certain legislative minimum amount of compensation is reasonable, given that generally every input cost of a business is a burden of the consumer.

A consumption tax directly increases the purchaser’s price. Remove it, and—assuming pass-through—the price falls.For businesses consuming fuel, lower fuel costs can also reduce an input cost associated with construction, farming, trucking, deliveries and other activities.
That’s straightforward.

Fuel taxes can impose a particularly meaningful burden on lower-income households that must drive, especially rural, suburban and car-dependent households.

Again from an economics perspective, every tax has a cost. Government should have to justify that cost against the value produced by the spending it finances. Where the economic and social cost of collecting the next dollar exceeds the value created by spending it, the appropriate response is to reduce the tax and the associated government expenditure.

So either Eby is playing election games and gimiicks and doesn’t intend to enact the temporary reduction in excise tax, or he plans on doing it but didn’t care about people enough to do this in the last year.

Sometimes delaying upfront taxation on a transaction to achieve a better taxable result isn’t the best option. I get it ...
10/01/2026

Sometimes delaying upfront taxation on a transaction to achieve a better taxable result isn’t the best option.

I get it - taxes are painful and where they can be legally reduced and where we don’t take action to mitigate the tax, then the continuing payment of such tax is a choice.

But effective planning should also consider and consequences so none of these three are considered in isolation.

I think that so many Canadians get single-minded on reducing or deferring tax that they forget about the other implications and consequences of the total decision making process.

Sometimes the best choices feel counterintuitive in the short term, but may save a significant portion of your tax liabilities in the future.

For many incorporated professionals and business owners, the answer may be yes—not because they are doing anything wrong...
09/30/2026

For many incorporated professionals and business owners, the answer may be yes—not because they are doing anything wrong, but because retained corporate capital is often left in structures that create unnecessary tax drag.

A common example is passive investment income.
Business owners frequently hold significant amounts of corporate capital in term deposits, bonds, high-interest savings, T-bills and other fixed-income assets because they want liquidity, stability and access to capital.

But inside a corporation, those assets can create a very different tax outcome than many owners expect.

For many incorporated professionals and business owners, the answer...

Canada’s debt situation, while technically better than America’s debt situation, doesn’t justify that the Canadian gover...
09/29/2026

Canada’s debt situation, while technically better than America’s debt situation, doesn’t justify that the Canadian government should have a race to the bottom with more significantly indebted nations.

As of November 2025 financial statements, the Canadian Federal debt is currently $2.182 Trillion, offset by $788 Billion in “assets.” More on that another time.
Data source:https://www.canada.ca/content/dam/fin/publications/afr-rfa/2025/afr-rfa-2024-25-eng.pdf

Canada’s pension plan is also more significantly well funded compared to the US Social Security, but that doesn’t mean Canada is performing better than America economically. GDP-per-capita is significantly lower for example.

Photo data source: https://www.us-debt-clock.com/world/canada

The Simpsons called it out 30 years ago in the “Treehouse of Horror Part VII” which originally aired on October 27, 1996...
09/26/2026

The Simpsons called it out 30 years ago in the “Treehouse of Horror Part VII” which originally aired on October 27, 1996

The alien characters Kang and Kodos impersonated the two major U.S. presidential candidates at the time, Bob Dole and Bill Clinton. Once they were exposed as aliens, Kodos essentially argued that it didn’t matter because America had a two-party system and voters still had to choose one of them. A man in the crowd said he would vote for a third-party candidate.

Kang’s response?
“Go ahead, throw your vote away.”
Then Kang and Kodos laughed, while Ross Perot (the real-world third-party candidate in 1996) crushed his “Perot ’96” hat.

The Simpsons is satire, but repeating the line reveals a deep myth held by many:

“𝗗𝗼𝗻’𝘁 𝘃𝗼𝘁𝗲 𝗳𝗼𝗿 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗽𝗮𝗿𝘁𝘆 𝘆𝗼𝘂 𝗮𝗰𝘁𝘂𝗮𝗹𝗹𝘆 𝘄𝗮𝗻𝘁. 𝗧𝗵𝗲𝘆 𝗰𝗮𝗻’𝘁 𝘄𝗶𝗻. 𝗩𝗼𝘁𝗲 𝗳𝗼𝗿 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗹𝗲𝘀𝘀𝗲𝗿 𝗼𝗳 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝘁𝘄𝗼 𝗲𝘃𝗶𝗹𝘀 𝗶𝗻𝘀𝘁𝗲𝗮𝗱.” Or my personal favourite, “𝗜𝘁’𝘀 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗺𝗼𝘀𝘁 𝗶𝗺𝗽𝗼𝗿𝘁𝗮𝗻𝘁 𝗲𝗹𝗲𝗰𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 𝗶𝗻 𝗼𝘂𝗿 𝗹𝗶𝘃𝗲𝘀.” Save the comedy act for Vegas, you’re not winning any converts here.

The attempt to bully another person into strategically voting substitutes your political agency and objectives for theirs.

Let’s examine five considerations that may help us deconstruct the myth of why voting for a third party is “throwing our vote away.”

𝗙𝗶𝗿𝘀𝘁: 𝘆𝗼𝘂𝗿 𝗽𝗼𝗹𝗶𝘁𝗶𝗰𝗮𝗹 𝗽𝗿𝗲𝗳𝗲𝗿𝗲𝗻𝗰𝗲 𝗯𝗲𝗹𝗼𝗻𝗴𝘀 𝘁𝗼 𝘆𝗼𝘂.
No political party or other individual or entity is entitled to your vote. Your vote is yours to allocate according to your own judgment, values and objectives. 𝘋𝘦𝘮𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘵𝘩𝘢𝘵 𝘐 𝘤𝘩𝘢𝘯𝘨𝘦 𝘮𝘺 𝘣𝘢𝘭𝘭𝘰𝘵 𝘵𝘰 𝘺𝘰𝘶𝘳 𝘤𝘩𝘰𝘪𝘤𝘦 𝘪𝘴 𝘢 𝘥𝘦𝘮𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘵𝘰 𝘤𝘩𝘢𝘯𝘨𝘦 𝘮𝘺 𝘫𝘶𝘥𝘨𝘦𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵 𝘷𝘢𝘭𝘶𝘦𝘴 𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘰𝘣𝘫𝘦𝘤𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘦𝘴.

𝗦𝗲𝗰𝗼𝗻𝗱, 𝘁𝗵𝗲𝗿𝗲 𝗶𝘀 𝗮 𝗳𝗿𝗲𝗲𝗱𝗼𝗺-𝗼𝗳-𝗰𝗵𝗼𝗶𝗰𝗲 𝘃𝗲𝗿𝘀𝘂𝘀 𝗶𝗺𝗽𝗼𝘀𝗲𝗱-𝗯𝗶𝗻𝗮𝗿𝘆-𝗰𝗵𝗼𝗶𝗰𝗲 𝗽𝗿𝗶𝗻𝗰𝗶𝗽𝗹𝗲. If someone says, “You are free to vote but realistically you must choose one of these predetermined two,” one must ask how meaningful the choice remains if alternatives are delegitimized simply because they are alternatives.

𝗧𝗵𝗶𝗿𝗱, 𝘁𝗵𝗲𝗿𝗲 𝗶𝘀 𝘀𝗼𝗺𝗲𝘁𝗵𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗮𝗹𝗺𝗼𝘀𝘁 𝗺𝗮𝗿𝗸𝗲𝘁-𝗹𝗶𝗸𝗲 𝗮𝗯𝗼𝘂𝘁 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝘀𝗶𝗴𝗻𝗮𝗹𝗹𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗽𝗿𝗼𝗯𝗹𝗲𝗺.
Imagine three products, A, B and C. You genuinely think C is best. But everyone tells you:“C doesn’t have enough market share. Buy A because otherwise B might dominate.” So C’s potential customers continually buy A. Then somebody looks at the sales figures and says:“See? Nobody wants C.” The measurement is partly being used to validate the self-reinforcing behaviour that produced the measurement.

𝗙𝗼𝘂𝗿𝘁𝗵, 𝘀𝘁𝗿𝗮𝘁𝗲𝗴𝗶𝗰 𝘃𝗼𝘁𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝗿𝗲𝗽𝗿𝗲𝘀𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗮𝘁𝗶𝘃𝗲 𝘃𝗼𝘁𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗮𝗿𝗲 𝗻𝗼𝘁 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝘀𝗮𝗺𝗲 𝗼𝗯𝗷𝗲𝗰𝘁𝗶𝘃𝗲.
If your primary objective is to stop Party B from winning, then voting strategically for Party A may make perfect sense to you. But that is your objective. My objective may be to vote for the candidate or party that actually represents my principles, policies and political values, which is a fundamentally different use of a ballot.

The obvious objection is that voting for Party C may split support among voters with similar second-order preferences and allow Party B (the party you dislike most) to win.

That is a real problem of the first-past-the-post system. The candidate with the most votes in a riding wins, even without an absolute majority.

But that doesn’t prove your vote was “wasted.”
Rather, it means you are choosing between two different objectives.

One objective is strategic:
𝘞𝘩𝘪𝘤𝘩 𝘰𝘧 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘵𝘸𝘰 𝘱𝘦𝘳𝘤𝘦𝘪𝘷𝘦𝘥 𝘧𝘳𝘰𝘯𝘵-𝘳𝘶𝘯𝘯𝘦𝘳𝘴 𝘸𝘰𝘶𝘭𝘥 𝘐 𝘳𝘢𝘵𝘩𝘦𝘳 𝘴𝘦𝘦 𝘸𝘪𝘯 𝘵𝘩𝘪𝘴 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘤𝘵𝘪𝘰𝘯?
The other is representative:
𝘞𝘩𝘪𝘤𝘩 𝘤𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘵𝘦 𝘰𝘳 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘺 𝘢𝘤𝘵𝘶𝘢𝘭𝘭𝘺 𝘳𝘦𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘴 𝘸𝘩𝘢𝘵 𝘐 𝘣𝘦𝘭𝘪𝘦𝘷𝘦?

The problem begins when someone takes their own strategic objective and treats it as the only legitimate purpose of everyone else’s vote.

This is where the “vote splitting” argument starts eating its own tail. If everyone who prefers an alternative keeps abandoning that alternative because it isn’t already competitive, how exactly is it ever supposed to become competitive?

At some point, continually voting for the “lesser of two evils” stops being merely a response to a two-party dynamic and starts creating one.

𝗙𝗶𝘃𝗲, 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗲𝘅𝗶𝘀𝘁𝗲𝗻𝗰𝗲 𝗼𝗳 𝗮 𝘄𝗼𝗿𝘀𝗲 𝗮𝗹𝘁𝗲𝗿𝗻𝗮𝘁𝗶𝘃𝗲 𝗱𝗼𝗲𝘀 𝗻𝗼𝘁 𝗰𝗿𝗲𝗮𝘁𝗲 𝗮𝗻 𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗶𝘁𝗹𝗲𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁 𝘁𝗼 𝘆𝗼𝘂𝗿 𝘀𝘂𝗽𝗽𝗼𝗿𝘁.
The argument becomes questionable when someone moves from: “Here are the consequences of voting for C” to: “Therefore you owe your vote to A.” But if I don’t want, like or support the policies of A, that raises the obvious question: why would I abandon my own principles in order to support a party or candidate I don’t actually support?

Murray Rothbard, for example, treated democracy as a method of selecting rulers, not an end in itself; its value depended on whether it served other ends, including individual liberty. Other thinkers and philosophers have emphasized that majority choice and individual liberty are not synonymous.

The demand that someone abandon a third party as to not “hand the election to the other guys” is the exact circular logic that the Simpson writers were pointing out.

Suppose you actually support Party C.

You’re told Party C doesn’t have enough support to win, so you should vote for Party A to stop Party B. So you take your vote away from the party you actually want.

Then Party C gets fewer votes and afterward everyone points to Party C’s low vote total as 𝘦𝘷𝘪𝘥𝘦𝘯𝘤𝘦 that voting for Party C would have been pointless.

It’s a mindset that keeps alternatives to the establishment weak.

Research on plurality electoral systems distinguishes between the system’s mechanical effect—how votes translate into seats—and a psychological effect, where some voters abandon their preferred but less-viable candidate because they fear “wasting” their ballot. That strategic behaviour can reinforce competition around the candidates perceived as viable. Canada does not neatly collapse into a two-party system, so the effect should not be overstated, but the strategic-voting mechanism itself is well established.

Another logical problem with the phrase “wasted vote” is that of voting for a candidate who loses means your vote was wasted, then every vote cast for the losing major-party candidate was also wasted. That logical fallacy is almost laughable

So losing cannot be what makes a vote meaningless, it must remain as a thought of “what did you intend your vote to accomplish?

If your only objective is stopping the candidate you dislike most, strategic voting may be entirely rational. But if your objective is to vote according to your principles, register genuine political support, help build an alternative, or refuse to manufacture support for a party you don’t actually believe in, then voting for that alternative is hardly irrational either.

Maybe Kang had it backwards. Perhaps the vote you “throw away” is the one you cast for a party you never wanted in the first place.

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